‘it seems unlikely that any politician in future will fundamentally
downgrade our health and safety laws or the manner in which they are enforced’.
If you were a
‘Brexitier’ hoping for a wholesale repeal of health and safety legislation,
then the simple answer is that it is not going to happen; even if it did we
would have to wait for 2 years under Article 50. If you were a ‘Remainer’ fearing that that
Brexit would lead to a return to Dickensian working conditions, that is also
not going to happen. Despite the
hyperbole on both sides of the argument neither were ever a likely scenario. In fact, all the current indicators are that
regulation of event construction is likely to get tougher.
The UK was ahead of
European countries when it introduced the Health and Safety at Work Act
(HASAWA) in 1974 which is still the basis of our law and most
prosecutions. The existence of the HSE
and the legal basis for enforcement is all part of HASAWA outside of EU
diktat. However, as one famous
Eurosceptic once put it ’the devil will be in the detail’.
Those that
paid attention during their IOSH or NEBOSH training may know that there are two
types of EU law; that which applies directly under the European Communities Act
(ECA), such as much of the chemicals regulations and that which needs to be
enacted by the UK into subsidiary regulations such as the machinery and lifting
regulations. Legal opinion is that
repealing the former would be unlikely owing the legal and commercial chaos
that would ensue. The UK has more leeway
with subsidiary regulations which can be amended. However, the situation is more complicated
than it first seems since the centre piece of the subsidiary framework is the
Management of Health and Safety at Work Regulations 1999 (originally 1992)
which was made under both HASAWA and ECA.
This, somewhat over simplified explanation adds up to the fact that
extracting ourselves from the morass of EU health and safety legislation would
take a very long time if it happens at all.
In 2011 this government commissioned
the Löfstedt review into health and safety legislation
which concluded that it was broadly fit for purpose. It does not seem likely, therefore, that any
future government, however Eurosceptic, would waste time and resources on
repealing current EU based health and safety legislation and even if it did the
fundamental duties of employers in criminal law would still exist under
HASAWA. When all is said and done we
will still need to trade with the EU and to do that business we will still have
to comply with EU legislation to a large extent.
A Brexit does, however, mean that new EU Directives will not be
incorporated into UK law and we will be able to amend existing EU based law if
it does not compromise any trade agreements.
First on the list could be the Construction (Design and Management)
Regulations 2015 (CDM) and its unnecessary application to the events industry
which the HSE imposed citing an EU ruling as its rationale. Be warned, however, that even if this
decision were reversed the HSE would still be the enforcing authority for event
construction, a change which preceded CDM 15.
It is not clear whether new EU directives will be brought into UK law whilst
the UK remains in the EU pending exit.
It seems unlikely however, that any UK government would rush to enact new
EU based health and safety legislation whether or not it was technically
obliged to do so.
The remain campaign raised the spectre of a government with
‘unconstrained freedom of action in relation to those areas currently governed
by EU social law’ resulting in exploitative working conditions. This was of course hyperbole but it does mean
that some of the legislation regarding working hours could be amended or repealed.
It might be more instructive to focus less on the law itself than how it
is applied. If recent experience is
anything to go by, the HSE have found a problem that they believe needs to be
fixed in event construction and notwithstanding CDM, HASAWA gives them all they
need to pursue that. The HSE has
recently visited a number of events and have made it clear that they intend to
drive improvement with increased unannounced visits, enforcement action and
prosecution where they feel it is warranted.
None of this would be affected by a Brexit or otherwise.
As recent updates have shown, sentencing guidelines for UK courts
changed last year, considerably increasing the penalty tariff and they have not
been slow to act imposing four £ million-plus fines for serious accidents in
January this year alone. This had
nothing to do with the EU.
Much of our environmental law comes from Europe and it is probably fair
to say that given the current financial uncertainties many companies may row
back on the expense of sustainability programs, especially as those companies
that have them tend to have large operations outside the EU where the concepts
of sustainability are not so well established.
Ultimately the law both reflects and drives social attitudes. The 1974 Act ushered in an era of change
where unnecessary dangerous practices in the workplace became unacceptable to a
point where workplace safety is accepted as the desirable norm. Society’s attitudes ultimately transcend law
and just as there is never likely to be a demand for a return to smoking in
public places or driving cars without seatbelts, it seems unlikely that any politician
in future will fundamentally downgrade our health and safety laws or the manner
in which they are enforced.
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